❶ Village in Jenin declared a closed military zone
❷ How one Jerusalem neighborhood has been left to fend for itself
❸ A brief history of the [use of the word] ‘Nakba’ in Israel
❹ Opinion/Analysis: PALESTINIAN DEAD END HIGHLIGHTS THE RIGHT OF RETURN
❺ POETRY by Rashid Hussein
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❶ VILLAGE IN JENIN DECLARED A CLOSED MILITARY ZONE
Ma’an News Agency
June 3, 2016
Israeli forces Thursday declared the village of al-Taybeh west of northern occupied West Bank district of Jenin a closed military zone, according to the Palestinian news agency WAFA.
___Israeli soldiers stormed the village and declared it a closed military zone, local sources told WAFA, before carrying out a large-scale raid in the community. . . implemented for several hours as soldiers prevented anyone from leaving or entering the village.
MORE . . .
❷ HOW ONE JERUSALEM NEIGHBORHOOD HAS BEEN LEFT TO FEND FOR ITSELF
Al-Monitor (Palestine Pulse)
June 2, 2016
When Tamara and Ala’a got married in 2012, in addition to their wedding in Beit Jala, they held a second ceremony in Jerusalem to ensure that they could register their marriage in the holy city. The couple moved into a small house in the Jerusalem suburb of Beit Safa to make sure that they could legally prove their connection to Jerusalem [. . . .]
___. . . Israeli policy aimed at administratively reducing the Arab population of East Jerusalem, by forcing Jerusalemites to constantly have to prove their connection to Jerusalem or else risk losing their right to live in Jerusalem as permanent residents.
___After three years, the couple could no longer take it and decided to move to a high-rise apartment building in the north Jerusalem neighborhood of Kufr Aqab. MORE . . . RELATED . . . RELATED: AMERICAN MEDIA . . .
Following the outbreak of the al-Aqsa intifada, the Israeli government implemented a tidal wave of closures throughout the Palestinian territories in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, imposing restrictions on the movement of citizens and intensifying their isolation. . . . These new policies were executed through mechanisms including military checkpoints scattered throughout the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT) and the separation wall [. . . .]___The Qalandia checkpoint was among these new tools used by the Israeli government to restrict the movement of Palestinians between the West Bank and East Jerusalem [. . . .]___The current goals of controlling Palestinian movement through Qalandia now exceed the security considerations under which the checkpoint was originally built. Today, the checkpoint no longer targets the Palestinian residents of the West Bank . . . . The real target today are the residents of East Jerusalem— the goal of the barrier being to harass them and restrict their movement in order to remove them, directly or indirectly, from the city.
- Laban, Ahmad Sub. “Qalandia Checkpoint: A Main Palestinian Gateway to Jerusalem.” Palestine-Israel Journal of Politics, Economics & Culture 17.1/2 (2011): 104-108. [Available through EBSCO.]
❸ A BRIEF HISTORY OF THE [use of the word] ‘NAKBA’ IN ISRAEL
Eitan Bronstein Aparicio
May 16, 2016
This text describes the discourse on the Nakba — mostly the concept but also the historical event — in Israel. When did it appear? When did it decline and was repressed? What caused these changes? The attempt here is to describe historical moments, a periodization, from the founding of the state until today, in order to describe the relation to the term in each period and the changes it went through. This text deals with the attitude towards the Nakba in Hebrew almost exclusively and does not attempt to describe the attitudes and changes it went through in Arabic and in the Arab world. MORE . . .
In 2002, however, a group of Israeli Jewish peace educators [founded] the Zochrot Association, an organisation dedicated to ‘remembering the Nakba in Hebrew’. Zochrot operates from the premise that the Nakba needs to be confronted and owned as an integral part of Israeli Jewish identity . . . . to open up possibilities for different forms of memory. ‘The hegemonic Zionist discourse [. . . .] conjures up images of a violent memory, invariably exclusive and masculine, and leaves no room for the (Palestinian) ‘other’. Zochrot seeks to promote an alternative discourse on memory, one that strives towards true reconciliation and is openly inclusive and compassionate towards the Palestinian side’.
. . . . Over the past few years Zochrot has organised multiple events at the ruins of Miskeh, often in conjunction with groups of internally displaced Palestinians. . . . Ahmad Sa’di has noted the polyvalent character of Nakba-memory for Palestinians, ‘its ability to reclaim new terrains, to acquire new meanings and representations, and to maintain its powerful presence’; Zochrot’s practices . . . show how the Nakba can also acquire ‘new meanings and representations’ within an Israeli Jewish society in which memories of the Nakba, like the ruins of Miskeh, are actively erased. . . . Zochrot’s acts of memory perform in the present an embodied hope for a bi-national future.
- Weaver, Alain Epp. “Remembering The Nakba In Hebrew: Return Visits As The Performance Of A Binational Future.” Holy Land Studies: A Multidisciplinary Journal (Edinburgh University Press) 6.2 (2007): 125-144. [Available from Project Muse]
❹ Opinion/Analysis: PALESTINIAN DEAD END HIGHLIGHTS THE RIGHT OF RETURN
Al-Shabaka: The Palestinian Policy Network
May 6, 2014
(Blogger’s Note: Written before the assault on Gaza in the summer of 2014. It is remarkable how little has changed in the interim.)
Like a broken record perpetually playing a deeply disturbing refrain, the peace process has scratched on despite missed deadlines, threats, and promises, with intermittent halts . . . . the consequences to the occupied, dispossessed, and exiled Palestinian people have been disastrous, and their termination has been long overdue. It is worth drawing some of these lessons to map a different road moving forward [. . . .]
___The cost to the Palestinian people of endlessly futile negotiations has been very great, particularly as the PLO/PA has prioritized the creation of a Palestinian state over addressing the Palestinian right of return . . . . In fact, the right of return should be treated as intrinsic to the right to self-determination and entwined with the aim of establishing an independent state and not as a stand-alone cause . . . . the rights of refugees remain at the core of the Palestinian national liberation movement; the Israelis know that very well, and it haunts them. MORE . . . .
(Blogger’s Note: By the poet quoted by Randa Farah)
“AN ADDRESS,” BY RASHID HUSSEIN
Hairs as short as my life is
And a mouth as sensuous as my dreams
And fire is her voice
And so is the music
Yet she wants me to rest
On an easy chair
And keep my thoughts clean.
Oh my dear hunter!
What you ask is much more
Than all that I can give . . .
For the angels are dead,
And I am not with them.
A wine was her perfume
Generous was her bed
But her hopes were stronger,
And the strongest of all:
She wanted my address.
She asked: “Where lives the ‘Prince’?”
Then, I stood silenced
For I had no address.
I am a man in transit,
Twenty years in transit
A man who was even deprived
The right of having an address.
From: Aruri, Naseer and Edmund Ghareeb, eds. ENEMY OF THE SUN: POETRY OF THE PALESTINIAN RESISTANCE. Washington, DC: Drum and Spear Press, 1970. Available from Amazon.